Erasmiana Lovaniensia. Cataloog van de Tentoonstelling. Universiteitsbibliotheek Lernen, november Jozef IJsewijn. Companion to Neo-Latin Studies. Petrus Bloccius, Praecepta formandis puerorum moribus perutilia. Inleiding, Tekst en Vertaling van A. Coebergh-Van den Braak, Pegasus Devocatus. Arri Nuri sive Harry C. Accessere selecta eiusdem opuscula inedita. Vives te Lernen. Tournoy, J. Phineas Fletcher, Locustae vel Pietas Iesuitica. Edited With Introduction.
Translation and Commentary by Estelle Haan, The Works of Engelbertus Schut Leydensis ca Edited by A. Coebergh van den Braak in co-operation with Dr. Dr Jozef Usewijn; Prof. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher. Dieter Wuttke, Ex ungula cervam. Chris L. Heesakkers, An Lipsio licuit et Cunaeo quod mihi non licet? Although, not unlike the young Francesco Petrarca, he was fascinated by the eternal beauty of the Latin language, he had had to start his university career a decade earlier in the field of papyrology: at that time there was simply no other option available.
This did not prevent him from establishing numerous and lasting contacts with other scholars writing and publishing in Latin. He used his masterly command of that language to publish his first independent contribution dealing with some findings connected with the doctoral dissertation that he was preparing.
At the same time he was collecting and studying modern poetry written in Latin, publishing in a survey for the year ; this was followed the next year by a general survey of the Latin poetry in the 20th century. That publication marked the end of his career as a papyrologist. In the spring of the following year Usewijn crossed the Alps and travelled with his family to Rome, where he met Mgr.
Henry de Vocht. This meeting proved decisive for the broadening of his interest towards Latin literature of the humanistic period. Already in Usewijn outlined an ambitious programme for the study of neo-Latin literature. It was accompanied by a selective bibliography, covering the entire field of neo-Latin literature. Originally intended for local use in Flanders and Holland only, it was supplemented during the years to come with the intention of reaching an international public, thus laying a sound basis for the Companion to Neo-Latin Studies Amsterdam, The University of Louvain created the same year a new course for the study of neo-Latin literature, entrusting it to the newly appointed Usewijn, who was charged also with other courses in Classical Philology.
It almost immediately proved to be a big success, VIH attracting a relatively large number of interested students. The next step to take was the creation of an international documentation centre for neo-Latin literature, providing bibliographical help, but also publishing texts and studies in this field. The series Humanistica Lovaniensia, had published its last volume in It had been founded in by Henry de Vocht, who, furthermore, was responsible for three-quarters of the number of volumes.
But De Vocht died in and the entire stock and the rights had been sold by the publisher to Kraus. So at first it seemed impossible to continue the series. A new jour nal, exclusively dedicated to neo-Latin literature, was also an urgent desideratum, explicitly requested by Prof. Leonard Forster during the first meeting on Belgian humanism November 27, With the appointment of an assistant and the foundation of the Seminarium Philologiae Humanisticae in things gained momentum.
In order to continue the Series serious efforts were made to contact former students and collaborators of Mgr De Vocht, who according to the announcement on the cover of Humanistica Lovaniensia 15 were currently engaged in the preparation of new studies. But almost nothing was achieved and so the starting of a new journal seemed a more feasible objective.
After long discussions we were even allowed to continue using the name of Humanistica Lovaniensia, transforming the series into an annual publi cation.elnigapongperg.tk
internet-it - Use of corpora in translation studies
But this title now was given a slightly different signification: it had previously related to texts and studies concerning humanists connected with Louvain and its University in one way or another; from now on the field was broadened to include the whole world of humanism and neo-Latin literature, and 'Lovaniensia' assumed the meaning of 'published at Louvain'. The first volume was a rather small one, printed with a very cheap technique and a poor lay-out, and the contributions were all except one by members of the Seminarium.
All this had already changed in the next volume, for which another printer was approached. Other major changes in the years to come embraced the introduction of a full index from onwards, and the inclusion of neo-Latin lexico graphical aids and a systematic bibliography covering the whole field of neo-Latin literature from onwards.
In this way Humanistica Lovaniensia developed into the leading journal in this field. Particularly interesting to note is also the shift from French to English as between the first and later volumes: whilst in the first one the editorial address and the majority of the contributions were still in French, in later volumes English was used for all information. This had to do of course with our growing awareness of the leading role of English in the world of schol arship, but one should take into account also the events at our University and in Belgium at that time, which might have accelerated the process.
Close collaboration with the Institute of Mediaeval Studies, which was located in the same house, led to the organisation, in May , of a colloquium on The Late Middle Ages and the Dawn of Humanism outside Italy. For the Institute of Mediaeval Studies it was the starting point for a sequence of successful colloquia, in which the members of the Seminarium more than once had their share, as for instance in The Universities in the Late Middle Ages, The Theatre in the Middle Ages, or Arturus Rex.
With the publication of the Proceedings of the first colloquium, the series Mediaevalia Lovaniensia also took off, and up to now has produced more than twenty-five volumes. For the Seminarium Philologiae Humanisticae it was a try-out for the organisation of the first International Congress for neo-Latin Studies, which took place from 23 to 28 August The presence of more than participants from 19 European countries, from the United States, Canada and Australia proved the growing interest in this rich field of scholarship.
The wish, formulated by the American member of the organizing committee, Prof. Lawrence V. In comparison with the first Con gress, the number of participants and of the papers will be more than doubled, which is a clear sign of the vitality of our scholarship. One of the main reasons why the Leuven gathering was not an ephemeral event, was the decision made by the participants on August 25, , to found an international association which could promote the develop ment of neo-Latin Studies by organizing such congresses on a regular basis.
This association was officially founded during the Second Con gress at Amsterdam in , and its first President was, of course, Jozef Usewijn. The journal Humanistica Lovaniensia served as its official organ, publishing the English and the French versions of the statutes in and respectively, these being followed by the official Latin version by Usewijn, which came out in It evidently met a long-felt want, and in no time it was out of print.
The first volume of the second edition came out in , the second is expected in For all these achievements Usewijn was awarded the Francqui prize, the highest Belgian distinction for scholars, on April 15, In order to propagate neo-Latin scholarship within wider circles, the members of the Seminarium, and Usewijn in the first place, collaborated in encyclopedias and generals works such as the Moderne Encyclopedie der Wereldliteratuur Gent — Haarlem, —; 2nd edition: HaarlemAntwerp, 1 — , the Encyclopedia Britannica, or the Nieuwe Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden.
With that same purpose, exhibitions and commemorations were set up, or were granted assistance, such als the ones on Erasmus in and again in , on Dirk Martens in , on Years of the University of Leuven in , on Vives and Clenardus in ; and now the commemoration of Justus Lipsius will be cele brated at Leuven with an exhibition and a colloquium in the Fall of Meanwhile, the number of students in Classical Philology, and thus the number of our prospective collaborators, dropped dramatically during the seventies. The year , for instance, saw two doctoral dissertations, but not a single licentiate dissertation in the field of humanism, whilst in the year before only two licentiate dissertations were finished under Usewijn's direction; that is, only the same number as doctoral dissertations.
The Seminarium finally lost its second assistant to colleagues in Germanic philology, and some of the best of our young scholars were not able to stay on at our University. They dropped out or had to find an occupation elsewhere. On the other hand, a steadily grow ing number of undergraduate and especially postgraduate students, as well as research fellows, were eager to come to Leuven and spend some months at the Seminarium and its library.
But these numbers do not carry weight as regards the financing of the section, the department or the faculty, and thus are easily discounted. However, since the general situation has slightly improved over the last few years, it is our hope and our expectation — if we can count upon the loyal help of all collab orators — that the life-work of Jozef Usewijn, this 'centre of excellence' as it is called, can continue to grow into the next millennium and beyond.
After all, it is primarily his dedication and expertise that have made Neo-Latin accepted and appreciated on an international level, so that it can take its rightful place in European literary history. May God give Usewijn the strength to be our guide for many years to come.
L'importanza del Barzizza e del suo insegnamento — pur documentata largamente dalle preziose ricerche del Sabbadini e del Bertalot3 — fu lungamente sottovalutata: il suo nome appare appena nell' Educazione in Europa del Garin4 e non compare affatto nella citata Retorica del Murphy. Solo di recente, e in particolare a partire dagli anni sessanta, il Barzizza sta tor nando ad occupare il posto che merita nell'attenzione dei nostri maggiori 1 J. Murphy, La retorica nel Medioevo.
Una storia delle teorie retoriche da s. Ago stino al Rinascimento, introduzione e trad, a cura di V. Licitra, Nuovo Medioevo, 17 Napoli, , pp. Sabbadini, Storia e critica di testi latini, Medioevo e umanesimo, 1 1 Padova, , 2a ed. Firenze, , 2a ed.
Sabbadini, 'Ledere e orazioni edite e inedite di Gasparino Barzizza', Archivio storico lombardo, s. II, 13 , ; ; L. Studien aus dem Antiquariat Jacques Rosenthal, N. Kristeller, II, Storia e letteratura. Raccolta di studi e testi, Roma, Garin, L'educazione in Europa Prohlemi e programmi. Biblioteca di cultura moderna, Bari, , pp. Colombo, 'Gasparino Barzizza a Padova. Texts and Dissertations, 10 Lon don, ; L. Mazzuconi, 'Per una sistemazione dell'epistolario di Gasparino Barzizza', Italia medioevale e umanistica, 20 , ; G. Per i suoi manoscritti, cfr. Tremolada, 'I manoscritti di Gasparino Barzizza nelle biblioteche milanesi', Libri e documenti, 14 , Lo Parco, Aulo Giano Parrasio.
Studio biografico e critico Vasto, ; F. L'Europa in provincia. Collana di cultura meridionale diretta da F. D'Episcopo Cosenza. Sulla sua biblioteca, cfr. Altri furono sottratti dalla biblioteca del Parrasio in epoche successive. Giovanni a Carbonara, e poi alla Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli.
Dipartimento di filologia Manziana, Mercati, De fatis bibliothecae monasterii s. Columbani Bobiensis et de codice ipso Vat. Mercati, De fatis, p. Tristano, La biblioteca di un umanista, p. O Kristeller, Iter Italicum. Si tratta del codice V B 35, pro veniente dalla preziosa e ricchissima biblioteca di un bibliofilo di Chieti, Romualdo di Sterlich, marchese di Cermignano. Russo, Studi sul Settecento in Abruzzo Chieti, , pp. Accanto al ms. Scuotto — I. Cenci, O. La notizia ci era stata data da un altro discepolo del Barzizza, Gio vanni Tremonti in una nota da lui apposta, nel , sul secondo foglio di guardia del ms.
Mazzuconi, 'Stefano Fieschi', p. Alia autem, super oratione videlicet pro Sexto Roscio, pro Lucio Murena et aliis que post invente fuerunt, usque ad numerum trigenarium et amplius, habeo in alio volumine, que ego exaravi raptim sub doctrina atque lectura famosissimi oratoris et artium doctoris Magistri Gasparini Pergamensis, Patavii , cum essem ego, Johannes 6 L.
Rullum Oratio prima, cuius inicium Que res Acta ipso Cicerone et Antonio consulibus. In exemplo sic fuit: Statilius Maximus. Rursum emendavi ad Tironem et Lactavianum et Dom. Ill oratio eximia? Qui il Tremonti non parla solo delle orazioni scoperte da Poggio nel , ma anche di quelle da lui ritrovate nel ; cfr. Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici, II, Storia e critica, pp. Il codice di Poggio fu, nel , identificato da Augusto Campana nel Vat.
Per questo famoso manoscritto, cfr. Ruysschaert, Codices Vaticani Latini. Codices In Bibliotheca Vaticana, , pp. Campana, 'La copia autografa delle otto orazioni ciceroniane scoperte da Poggio nel ', Ciceroniana, 1 , Pecere, 'La subscriptio di Statilio Massimo e la tradizione della Agraria di Cicerone', Italia medioevale e umanistica, 25 , Per la nota poggiana al f.
XII, 1. Pecere, 'La subscriptio, pp. XII, Pecere, 'La subscriptio, p. Dunque il Barzizza, nel commentare a Padova le orazioni appena scoperte da Poggio, si serviva anche del commento di Asconio, scoperto da Poggio a S. Gallo nel Per ora possiamo collazionare gli appunti del codice napoletano che chiameremo N , con le note che Rinuccio Aretino ha scritto a margine di un suo codice — sicuramente almeno in parte autografo — conte nente venti orazioni ciceroniane.
Chigiano latino H VI , della Biblioteca Vaticana; un codice segnalato dal Bertalot e descritto accuratamente dal Lockwood e che, in omaggio al suo autore, chiameremo R. II e note a-b. Nessuna citazione da Asconio ho trovato nel commento alla Pro Milone, che si legge ai ff. Il commento, frammentario, di Asconio Pediano fu scoperto da Poggio a San Gallo, insieme con il testo integro delle Institutiones di Quintiliano.
Ill, 8 Venezia, , p. Sabbadini, Storia e critica, pp. Gualdo, 'Antonio Loschi, segretario apostolico ', Archivio storico italiano, , Cicerone, La retorica a Gaio Erennio, a cura di F. Cancelli, Centro di studi Ciceroniani. Tutte le opere di Cicerone, 32 Milano, , pp. Rinuccio ha trascritto — con l'aiuto di alcuni segretari — le seguenti venti orazioni ciceroniane: 1 de imperio Cn.
Se si confronta questo elenco con quello delle quindici orazioni presenti nel codice N, si vede che ben undici orazioni coincidono. Eccole, nell'ordine in cui si leggono in N: 1 de imperio Cn. Pompeii; 2 pro Milone; 3 in Pisonem; 6 pro Cornelio; 7 post reditum ad Senatum; 8 post reditum ad Quirites; 9 de haruspi cum responsis; 10 de provinciis consularibus; 12 pro Caelio; 13 ad Quirites pridie quam in exilium proficisceretur spuria ; 14 pro domo sua. Vediamo ora l'elenco delle undici orazioni commentate retoricamente dal Loschi nella sua Inquisitio; 1 pro imperio Cn.
Come si vede, Rinuccio ha trascritto e annotato due orazioni com mentate sia dal Loschi che dal Barzizza, e precisamente quelle che occupano in tutte e tre gli elenchi i primi due posti: la de imperio Cn. Pompeii e la pro MHone; per il resto nel codice si leggono -— sia pure in una disposizione diversa — prima le orazioni commentate dal Loschi, poi quelle commentate a Padova dal Barzizza. Vedi inoltre D. Rand New York, , pp. Pubblicazioni dell'Istituto di filologia classica e medievale, 75 Genova, , pp. Lockwood, 'In domo Rinucii', p. Berti e A. Le note di Rinuccio si distinguono in due tipi.
All'inizio di ogni orazione troviamo quasi sempre una lunga nota che riassume il contenuto del discorso; questa nota deriva normalmente dal Loschi. Alla nota contenutistica tiene dietro una breve nota che riconduce l'orazione al genere retorico di appartenenza e ne distingue le principali sezioni retoriche, dalY exordium alla conclusio. Ebbene, questa glossa coincide con gli appunti del codice N nei casi seguenti: a codice R, f. Probabilmente altre corrispondenze si potrebbero riscontrare, analizzando le brevi note, tutte di tipo retorico, che si leggono ai margini di ogni orazione in R, e che, anche quando non coincidono, sono assai vicine agli appunti, dati ovviamente di seguito in assenza del testo di Cicerone, presente solo con brevi lemmi , nel codice N.
Napoli, Istituto Universitario Orientale 10 L. XV in. XVIII; ff. I cart. Codice composito, derivante dalla giustapposizione di 14 fascicoli, di for mato, epoca, materiale diversi. Il curatore settecentesco probabilmente un bibliotecario del marchese di Sterlich , ha preposto al codice e a ciascun fascicolo una tabula, in cui se ne descrive, in bella maiuscola epigrafica, il contenuto. Legatura del s. XVIII in pelle marrone, ornata a secco con cornice ed elementi floreali. Il codice, proveniente dalla biblioteca privata del marchese di Cermignano, Romualdo di Sterlich cfr.
XVIII: maiuscola epigrafica; ff. Non solum tacita Anglum oratio. Constitui sepenumero mecum, vir amplissime Nulla profecto, Leonelle princeps.. II Cart. XVIII, contenuto: ff. De re ipsa Silvestri Landi epistola ad eandem Isotam. HI Cart. XVex; scrittura umanistica semilibraria, con elementi cancellereschi, e poi tendenza all'italica; ff. Bruni, Hypocr. Petrarca a Niccolo Acciaioli.
V Cart. XVI in. VI Cart. XVIII, contenuto; ff. XVIII, titolo; ff. Vni Cart. Fascicolo di 10 bifogli; filigrana: liocorno a figura intera, rampante, per cui cfr. Briquet, nn. II; 6 f. Franciscus, Truth and Augustinus. Its opening page has a charac teristically Netherlandish, broad, acanthus and floral border, inhabited by small birds, a peacock, animals and grotesque semi-human figures, with Crabbe's arms on a small escutcheon hung on a crozier at the centre of its lowest arm p1. There is a large capital A for the opening of the proem, gold on a red ground, similar capitals for the opening of each book and smaller coloured capitals for paragraph- and other divisions.
A large, almost square miniature with an arched top, its width that of both columns of the text, occupies the upper half of the page, the incipit of the work in red below it. Under a gothic-pinnacled canopy supported by a Corinthian column to one side is a throne on a dais, with a green and gold tapestry behind, set on a tiled floor. To one side a large opening in the wall gives on to a landscape with shrubs and a tree in its midst and a pair of peacocks beside the tree.
From a smaller opening on the other side two men in long habits are emerging. The first, in green with a red bonnet, carries a crozier; the other is tonsured and wears dark monastic dress. On the throne sits the maiden Truth, benevolent, robed in white with gold embroidery, on her head a jewelled white turban with a gauzy veil below it, her left hand extended and rays of light streaming from her mouth towards Franciscus. He stands bonneted and coiffed alla borgognone and wears a long red robe with a short, ermine-trimmed cape of the same colour and fashion.
He is all attention to the sainted figure of Augustinus, rays surrounding his head, who faces him. Augustinus, also bonneted alla borgognone and with his hair similarly dressed, wears a long brown surcoat over a whiteish robe as he makes a gesture of exposition with his hands. Behind Petrarch, and before his own two attendants, stands Abbot Jan, bonneted, in dark monastic gown and cowl over white.
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The miniature, which comes closer than any of the 17 N. Geirnaert, in VIaamse Kunst op perkament, nos. Schmitt, in Contempo raries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and the Reformation, ed. Bietenholz, 3 vols Toronto etc. Franciscus, Truth, Augustinus and Abbot Crabbe. TRAPP others to recording the spirit and the letter of Petrarch's vision and indeed of his book, has been attributed to the Master of Margaret of York, who was active in Brugge in The present author hopes that this offering will be an acceptable token of affection, admiration and gratitude, not least for his introduction to Abbot Jan's manuscript.
Die aus dem Gegen die Renaissance schien ihm ein sprachliches Indiz zu sprechen. Victoria Polzer und Dr. Pitra, Spicilegium Solesmense complectens Sanctorum Patrum scriptorumque ecclesiasticorum anecdota hactenus opera Paris, , 4, Eine Abbildung auf fol. Jahr hunderts Die gut kirchliche, mittelalterliche Antichristlegende ist durchweg in antike Formen umgegossen.
Gualdo Rosa, I. Nuovo e D. Avesani, Verona nel Quattrocento. La Letteratura. Verona e il suo territorio, Vol IV, P. Ill Verona, , Metrisch und syntaktisch fehlerhafte Verse begegnen in der auf der Basis des Widmungsexemplars erstellten Neuausgabe nicht mehr. Jahrhunderts 9 Im I. Buch sind nach Vers 35 und Vers je ein Vers, im 2. Buch nach Vers zwei Verse und nach Vers ein Vers ausgefallen. Ich habe darauf verzichtet, die zahlreichen Fehler des Urb. Heist, The Fifteen Signs before Doomsday. Er ist weit davon entfernt, nur die Versifikation eines weit verbreiteten Themas anzustreben.
Eine pathetische Sprache und die Beherrschung der antiken Mythologie und Geschichte sind die vor herrschenden Merkmale seiner Dichtung. Heidnische und christliche Elemente stehen gleichwertig nebeneinander. Fast aufdringlich zeigt der Dichter seine Kenntnis der antiken Dichtung. Der Wiedererkennungseffekt ist beabsichtigt.
Die Crisias und das griechische Enkomion auf Bessarion sind beredte Monumente des christlichen Humanismus im Wie die Zeitgenossen und Bessarion selbst das Epos rezipiert " Vgl. Hamburger Colloquium , ed. Harms - P. Johnson Berlin, , Ss. Gerhardt Nigel F. Liber primus Huc age, Calliope, coetu comitata sororum, Huc propera, plectrumque tene citharamque sonantem.
Nunc opus ingenio, nunc summis viribus usus, 1 Verg. Grande opus aggredior, divino motus ab oestro, Quod vatum mentes agitat, cogitque calentes Edere saepe sonos, atque alta silentia rumpit. Ante hoc signa tamen, quae sit missurus ab alto Omnipotens, referam, mirandaque carmine pandam. Inter se reges mundi dominique potentes Miscebunt iras, et proelia dira ciebunt: Nullaque causa dabit vel bellum iusta movebit. Ast ex infernis ascendens sedibus imis Perque urbes populosque raet spargetque venenum Alecto, et virides spumas diffundet Echidna.
Hinc ad bella viros animosque accendet inertes, Irarum tantum atque odiorum mentibus addet. Tunc foribus fractis Furor horridus, ore cruento, Per terras fremet usque vagus, pastusque cruore, Sanguineos ructus exesosque evomet artus. In cives cives surgent; civilia rursus Bella movebuntur, graviora prioribus illis, Quae socer atque gener gesserunt omine diro. Regia tecta raet victor, castella domosque, Ac tandem spoliis et sanguine plenus abibit. Multa virum strages et passim corpora caesa, Horrendum visu monstrum, per strata iacebunt.
Non aderit, caeso moestas qui reddat amico Exequias et lecta manu tegat ossa sepulchro. Hei mihi, quam crudo component membra sepulchro! Et multi rapido demersi ilumine pascent Immanes pisces et guttura longa replebunt. Crudelis tantum non hausit Sylla cruoris, Non Marius, quantum fundetur tempus in illud. Impius irrumpens armato pectore miles Infantes gladio divellet ab ubere matrum: Turba nocens et, qui iam nil meruere, peribunt. Hic castos thalamos violabit virginis, alter Captivamque tranet dimissa matre puellam.
Et miserae matres, tundentes pectora pugnis, Exactae scaevis furiis acrique dolore, Clamorem super astra ferent, divosque vocabunt Crudeles, totumque implebunt aethera planctu. Illa suum natum crudeli vulnere caesum Deplorans, solvi crescentis fata queretur; Dumque fovet gremio defunctum, semina luctus Nutriet aeterni, gemitus nimiique doloris. Altera, quae dotem egregiam et sponsalia dona Coniugio natae dederat iamiamque pararat, Milite correptam diro tractamque catenis Inquiret, laniata genas, laniata capillos; Et, Cereris ritu, per compita curva recursans, Clamabit natam, non dantem verba vicissim.
Adde, quod est gravius, fraternas surgere cernes Hinc atque hinc acies gladiosque movere minaces, Quales Thebani fratres movere cruenti. In medium exilient matres et pectora nuda Ostendent, nec iam poterunt revocare furentes. Nil poterunt multi gemitus lachrimaeque profusae Uxorum et matrum, non planctus et ipse sororum.
Sed miseri inter se districto cominus ense Cenantes, proprio violabunt sanguine dextras. Inde alii horrendasque dapes coenamque Thyestae 37 Ov. Filius, impatiens tam longam ferre senectam, Patris in exitium veniet crudelis, et illi Miscebit virus, vel guttura falce secabit, Ut possit sceptrum pro libertate tenere. Saeva ob adulterium coniunx de morte mariti Consultans, sancti violabit foedera nexus, Vel despecta viro veluti Medea gemellos Ubere pendentes irata in Tartara mittet. Hinc fugiens primoque relicto coniuge, laeta Externum inveniet ducetque scelesta secundum.
His ubi sic gestis sese exaturavit Alecto, Laeta domum Famis adveniet, quam maxima vallis Et lapidosa tenet Scythiae glacialibus oris. Hic proprius locus est sterilis, sine munere Bacchi Et Cereris, raras qui tantum germinat herbas. Pascitur his obscoena Fames et flebile monstrum, Pallor, in ore iacet, sunt concava lumina, visu Horribilis torvo, tenuissima corpore toto, Hirtus crinis inest, plenae rubigine fauces, Articuli longi macie, trepidantia labra, Ventris habet pro ventre locum, possuntque videri Viscera et ossa simul, quae pendent arida lumbis.
En ego, cui semper sunt tristia proelia cordi, Cui sanguis caedesque placent rerumque ruinae, Commovi cunctos ad bella horrenda tyrannos. Commovi fratres et ad arma cruenta coegi. Omne nefas movi furiato plena veneno, Et iam iam multo saturata cruore recessi. Tu modo perge, precor, terrasque invade patentes, 72 Ov.
Hinc et agris teneras segetes evelle, supersint Ne laetae fruges, nec sit spes ulla futuris. Ast horrenda Fames, precibus commota sororis, Consurget subito terrasque invadet apertas, Omnia consumens, rabido feret omnia morsu. O miseros, illo quos tempore terra tenebit! Antiquam vitam repetent, herbasque virentes Aut comedent patula delapsas arbore glandes. Radices alii cogentur vellere longas Unguibus et miseris epulis assuescere dentes. Occident alii tauros fortesque iuvencos, Quos quondam socios comitesque habuere laborum.
Alter equum sternet, quo debellaverat hostes Saepius, et belli tulerat decus atque triumphum. Mercibus abiectis mercator caedet asellum, Cum sibi iam nihil — ah — cernet superesse ciborum. Praecipue infelix aderit foecunda virorum Paupertas et damna feret Famis impia multa. Aspicient miseri morientia pignora patres. Proh dolor, auxilium poterunt nec ferre, sed una Occumbent, pariterque animam sine vulnere fundent. Arida pressabunt infantes ubera matrum, Evictique fame pariter cum matre peribunt. Non tam crudelis, quam somnia visa dedere Aegypto, fuit illa fames, nam maximus ille Interpres potuit fatis obstare malignis.
Non, quae Samariam depasta est tempore multo, Aut talis vel tanta fuit, quo tempore aselli Vendebant multo pretio caput atque columbae Stercora, cum Syriae Benadab rex verteret urbem. Illa minor, quae Achabi subvertit regna potentis, Cum millas daret aether aquas nec nubila caelum Ov. Illa etiam inferior, Solymos quae afflixit et urbem Eruit, infelix quo tempore mater adacta Visceribus propriis immergere viscera nati.
Verte, libet, Graias Romanorumque togatas Historias, gentis peregrinae gesta revolve: Non tantum scaevit, Capitolia grandia Gallis Quae dare Romanos repulit, cum signa Camillus Rettulit, exilio patriam revocatus in urbem. Non tam terribilis, sub qua Casilinus adactus Detraxit pelles clypeis et molliit undis Hasque edit, mures cum consumpsisset olentes, Ut socias leges Romanaque iura teneret.
Quid Praenestinos referam, quos barbarus ille Hannibal oppressif tantum, tantumque refregit, Ut nummis videas murem venire trecentis? Quid Cretas, longa qui ex obsidione Metelli Urinam propriam miseri pecudumque bibere? Quidque Numantinos, quos mandere dentibus atris Humanas carnes artusque vorare cruentos Scipio crudelis consumptis omnibus egit?
Quid tandem memorem crudos scaevosque parentes Callaguritanios, quos dum convincere Magnus Obsidione parat, duros belloque feroces Omnibus absumptis ad dulcia pignora versos Uxoresque ferunt, quo se quoque longius ipsos Servarent, carnes sale conspersisse prophanos?
His maiora aderunt, magis his crudelia cement Tentabuntque viri, stimulis famis usque coacti. Hinc quoque Tisiphone, Furiarum maxima, surget Et veniens caelum sparget terrasque venenis, Inficiet vitio fontes pariterque lacusque. Et primo fiet pestis volucrum pecudumque. Agricola infelix fortes cecidisse iuvencos Conspiciet, moestusque humeris attollet aratrum. Acer equus, multas tulerat qui in pulvere palmas, Immemor et palmae, veterumque oblitus honorum, Ad praesepe gemens loeto morietur inerti.
Nesciet irasci vel aper, vel fidere cursu Audebunt cervae; non magni armenta leones Invadent, non ursus erit, qui terreat agnos. Mors erit in cunctis et plurima mortis imago. Mortibus implebunt terram volucresque feraeque; Corporibus foedis nitidus vitiabitur aer. Perque viros tandem labetur tabida pestis, Inficientque alios alii; dum serviet aegro Ipse pater nato, natusque paterque peribunt. Et frater busto dum corpora reddere curat, Tertius occumbet pariter, pariterque peribit. Infelix genitrix morientia pignora cernet, Seque parans ad opem quocunque tremente ferendam, In partem loeti veniet partemque ruinae.
Dumque suo assistens quicumque fidelius aegro Serviet, hic citius vicina peste peribit. Non aderunt, qui tunc demandent corpora bustis: Per silvas passim, per tecta et strata iacebunt. Quocumque invertes oculos, quocumque subibis, Prostratum vulgus cernes, miserabile visu! Ut concussa solent ex arbore mitia poma Comiere aut veteri maturae ex illice glandes, Sic ruet infelix vulgus passimque iacebit. Et caeli quoque signa dabunt horrenda: Cometas Prospicies diros caelo fulgere sereno. Saepius et fratri nitido contraria Phoebe Ibit et obscuros hunc coget tollere vultus.
Saepius in varios vertetur Luna colores, Et modo sanguineis maculis, modo turbida nigris. Et Sol non semper claram dabit aethere lucem: Verg. Obscurum insolito splendorem sidera reddent, Ignibus et crebris caelum terraeque micabunt. Plurima de caelo demittet fulmina dextra Omnipotens. Quantus mortales terror habebit! Flammarum tractus videas volitare per auras, Ardentesque polos cernes, caelumque tonare, Armorumque sonos, quales Germania caelo Audiit atque ingens extincto Caesare Roma. Et tellus, tanti non inscia vasta furoris, Mugitus dabit horrendos motusque frequentes.
Plurima tecta ruent, aedes et templa deorum. Evomet Aetna globos flammarum et plurima circum Exuret castella urbesque domosque virosque, Parturient montes variarum monstra ferarum. Horrendas silvis importunasque volucres Cernes, obscoenasque canes longosque colubros. Cristati excurrent et picti colla dracones Et medios tauros amplexi fortia rampent Tergora et expassis alis tollentur in auras.
Dipsades exibunt terra dirique cerastae, Infesti armentis, teneris et ovilibus aegri. Aeolus emittet vasto de carcere ventos, Qui mare perturbent, totumque a sedibus imis Commoveant, vastos tollant ad litora fluctus. Inde mari incumbent, vastosque a sedibus imis Attollent fluctus, caelum terramque revolvent Ad Ditem. Lybien quisquis mercator et Indos Ibit, tunc miserum pariter cum merce peribit. Aspiciet pelagi faciem excandescere et ira Eruere, et ante oculos patris volitabit imago Huic, alii mater natique et amabilis uxor. Intendet pars una suos subducere remos, Altera nitetur vento data vela negare Candida; dumque illud nulla ratione geretur, Ingenio sibi quisque suo studioque nocebit.
Ipse ratis rector nescire fatebitur omnem Hanc pelagi faciem, nullamque huc afferet artem, Ignarusque artisque, viae, plenusque timoris, Nesciet infelix, quidnam iubeatque velitque. Tanta mali moles, tantus fragor ipse rudentum, Tantus et ipse virum clamor planctusque sonabit!
Impetus undarum sese super aethera tollet, Quas magnos tetigisse polos aspergine credas. Et varus vicibus navis modo ad alta trahetur, Despectans Acheronta imum vallesque iacentes, Et modo summissa vastaque voragine pressa, Prospiciet caelum, veluti ex Acheronte profundo; Nunc dabit ingentem fluctu percussa fragorem: Concussi exilient cunei, spoliataque cerae Tegmine, rima aditus dabit exitialibus undis. Fundentur largi resolutis nubibus imbres, Inque fretum totum credas descendere caelum; Inque polos pelagus tumefactum ascendere dicas.
Vela procellosi scindent Eurusque Notusque, Nocte vagabuntur caeca caecisque tenebris, Lumina nulla poli nisi fulgura missa videntes. Desuper imber erit, rimis maris unda meabit, Ut pereat, iam navis erit, mergatque profundo Seque suosque duces, quos non benefida tulisset. Mortis erit prior ipse metus, maior quoque morte. Utque solent cives muros fodientibus extra Hostibus intremere, ut trepidantia moenia cernunt, Iam lachrimans quisquis, quae sit tormenta daturas, Cogitat, et mortem, quam sit passurus ab hoste, Iamque prior mortis metus est, maior quoque morte: Verg.
Ars omnisque animique cadent, credentque mentes In sese fluctus vastos prorumpere montes. Huic erit ante oculos matrisque patrisque senectus, Huic dulces nati et coniunx viduanda marito. Talia convolvent animis miseranda caterva, Clamoremque ferent super astra, deosque vocabunt; Quos Pater Omnipotens tandem miseratus ab alto, Fracta puppe omni demerget in aequora cunctos. Signa haec praecedent venturum horrenda furorem, Quae dudum vates, dudum cecinere Sibyllae. Sed iam te recrea, viresque resume, Camoena. Sunt tibi praemissis multo maiora canenda, Qualiter Antitheos, qui se Omnipotente creatum Efferat, adveniet, Christoque inimica potenti Bella ciens, plebem evertat populumque fidelem.
Liber secundus 5 10 Post haec Antitheos veniet, cacodaemone magno, Ut referunt, ortus fotusque et adultus ad omnem Perniciem; Babylon patria est, testante propheta, Danque tribus. Solymis sua qui tentoria primum Figet, et has sedes primumque loca illa tenebit. Quare barbaricis stipabitur undique turbis, Et circumcisus veterum de more parentum, Promissum verum se fabitur affore Christum.
O Iudea cohors, o gens stultissima, damnis Laeta tuis, natum cacodaemone numen adoras, Expectas precibusque vocas, nimiumque morantem Compellis votis, truculentaque monstra precaris. O novisse virum quam te, plebs stulta, pigebit, Verg. O gens crudelis, propriaeque inimica saluti, Quid nocitura colis? Quid vota effundis in hostem? Romulidaeque quondam, genus insuperabile bello, Dicuntur pluresque deos coluisse deasque, Ast alios ob virtutes praeclaraque gesta.
Unde et Saturnum curva cum falce, lovemque Sacrarunt, Cereremque almam, magnamque Minervam; Fortunamque dedere deam, caeloque locarunt; Et puerum Alcidem, crudelia monstra domantem, Atque Neoptolemum monstrantem munera matris Humano generi, et Bacchum nova vina prementem. Tu quoque, Rubigo, factum de marmore templum Servasti et multo placata es sanguine saepe, Ne teneras laedas segetes fructicosaque vastes. Tunc quoque sacrata est Febris, meruitque sacellum, Ne furiata ruens mortales pasceret artus.
Inde etiam Pharii dirum cocodrillon adorant, Ne noceat virusque effundat in aera purum. Isti ob virtutes alios aliosque deorum Sacrarunt, cui ne fera turba noceret; et unum lam non cementes caeli terraeque potentem Esse Deum, qui cuncta suis moderatur habenis, 40 45 50 Quique dat adversi quicquid venit atque secundi. Quare iam venia digni sunt, si qua malignis Est permissa, tamen veniamque hanc quisque meretur. Perfide, sed quid tu tantum, ludaee, procaci Obsistens animo, quem iam venisse fatentur Pontificum sacri libri certique prophetae, Ipse negas, hominemque deum facis esse profanum?
Expectas votisque vocas cacodaemone natum? Quae virtus hominis tete, o stultissime, ducit Ad cultum, quaeve utilitas? Hanc fare, precamur! Utile quid tribuat, qui totus inutilis exstat? Perfide, quid dubitas oriundum e virgine Christum Credere, quidve times? Hemanuelque puer dicetur, roscida mella Quique edat et pingui butyro saepe fruatur, Quo reprobare malum noscat, iustumque fovere. Dum tu, qui caeli et terrae moderaris habenas, In cumulo foeni parvus nudusque iaceres, Bosque tibi, modo asellus iners praestaret alumni Officium, atque Deum colerent hominemque foverent. Ecce novus foetus summo descendit Olympo.
Obstruet ora viris cunctisque silentia ponet. Hinc synagogaeae dissolvet vincla catervae, Cerneturque hominum vivens rex atque deorum, Intemerata suo gremio quem virgo fovebit. Mortalis sub carne fui, sapiensque stupendis Prodigiis; sed me populus Chaldeus in armis Captum tormentis, mortis stimulisque dedere.
Infelix animo stat turba procaci, Nec natum credit, cruce nec periisse sub alta, Nec sua ab innocuo descendere sanguine damna. At veniet, tu quem expectas, Iudaee sceleste! Ne dubita, adveniet, Stygiasque retrudet ad undas Cultores proprios et talia praemia reddet. Hic est horrendum monstrum, quod gutture perflans Septeno atque decem tumidum per cornua frontem Cornibus, et totidem gestans diademata in altis, E vasto pelago conscendit ab usque profundo, Quod meminit divus sese inspectasse Iohannes.
Hic leo terribilis, medium per colla iubasque Quem raptum Samson partes distraxit in ambas. Hic est horribilis moles Nemaea, lacertis Disiecta Alcidae, forti clavaque relisa. Hic Ditis custos est Cerberus ore trifauci, Herculea domitusque manu tractusque per Orcum. Hic et Erichthonius sparso de semine natus, Hic Erymanthei crudelis bestia saltus, Atque Hydra immanis per plurima colla resurgens. Hic Minotaurus adest, monstrum ingens atque biforme, Dictaeas diris implens mugitibus arces. Latonae violentus aper, cuique horrida cervix Lactantius Div.
Iam iam aderit. Cane vitam hominis moresque venustos, Musa, Deo dignos; cane gesta ducisque triumphos, Quaeque sit in terris veniens documenta daturus; Et Christi nostri vitam conferre pudicam Iam libeat, possis similem quoque credere Christum. Virginis ingrediens alvum, de Virgine natus Christus: virginei nec sunt violata pudoris Claustra, nec humanum est morem nascendo secutus. Praeterea natus stetit inter inertia bruta, Et teneris humeris iuncos compressit acutos Sordidaque incoluit Iudae magalia parvus. Sola parens nutrixque fuit, solusque minister Ipse pater, fuit hic servorum nobilis ordo.
Angelicae applaudunt, circumstant undique turbae. Dum vixit, semper profugus semperque misellus, Pauperiem amplexusque gravem atque extrema secutus, Contentus modico propriam producere vitam. Sedabat Ceres ipsa famem, fons ipse sitimque: Fabricios, Curiosque probans, rigidosque Catones, Aetatisque sequens documenta probanda prioris, Quae repulit rictus dapibus maculare cruentis, Arbore glandifera et contenta fidelibus arvis, Dulcibus et pomis, tumidisque in vitibus uvis, Melleque, quod floremque thymi redoletque saporem. Exemplo et monitis docuit, quae semita habenda Ov.
Sprevit opes, pompas neglexit, sprevit honores: Cultura solus dignus, solusque verendus, Solus honorandus cunctis, solusque colendus. Quem ludaea cohors, odiis agitata prophanis, Dum dulces monitus, dum dat praecepta salutis, In cruce confixit, poenisque subegit amaris, Felle prius potans miserum Stygiisque venenis. Haec veri Christi vita est moresque pudici, Qui moriens Stygiis mortales traxit ab undis.
Antithei nunc monstra canam, nunc improba facta. Nascetur magno Antitheos cacodaemone, stupro Commisso et sacra compressa virgine, qual i Romulus, aetheriae Romanae conditor arcis. Tunc Pluto inferna mittet de sede sorores, Quae puerum foveant, alimentaque mitia praestent. Alecto adveniet gestans pro crinibus angues, Tisiphoneque ultrix, diro succincta flagello, Atque furens flammis odiorum scaeva Megaera.
Quaeque suum officium peraget; spirabit amorem Bellorum vertetque animos ad bella Megaera. Luxuriem Alecto rerum lautosque paratus Infundet labiis, terra pelagoque redemptas Delitias, largasque dapes mensasque superbas. Tisiphone irarum stimulos animosque tumentes Atque feros addet, virusque in viscera condet. Hinc, quae cuncta movet, Venus et cum matre Cupido Lascivus venient; et totam se ingeret illi Ipsa Venus, pariterque puer volitantia tela Promet; et adducto tremulo per cornua nervo Aurea transibit volucris per corda sagitta Et totas venas percurret tabida pestis.
Terribilis quoque conveniet Tritonia Pallas, Verg. Et Parcae venient, puero perlonga daturae Saecula, si possent, nec votum Fata negarent. Te populi timeant, tete omnis adoret Et regem appellent caelique Herebique potentem. Dent Arabes gemmas nitidas clarosque smaragdos, India donet ebur nitidum, dent thura Sabaei. Egerat argentum atque aurum tibi clara Corinthus, Atque tuis votis faveat fortuna secunda. Ferte pedem his pariter, pariterque favete, sorores! Matris Acidaliae puerique Cupidinis artes Praecipue infelix tota cum mente fovebit.
Gesta lovis magni, scelerataque stupra revolvet, Raptorem et Ditem violatoremque pudici Corporis armigeri consecratique Dianae. Audiet Europam falsa sub imagine tauri Compressisse lovem et tenerae illusisse puellae.
Audiet Inachidem spatiantem forte per agros Incautam propriam frontem timuisse bicornem; Aureus ut Danaen castam deceperit imber, In gremium lapsus per summi culmina tecti. Audiet obscurae noctis geminasse tenebras, Dum dulci Alcmenae longoque potitur amore; Et cygni falsi Ledae accubuisse sub alis, De qua nata Helene, Troianae causa ruinae. Post et adulterium Veneris Martisque ferocis Agnoscet, seque his formans reddensque deorum Exemplis similem, totus per stupra nephanda Amplexusque ruet, circumdatus agmine semper Foemineo, semperque inter lasciva volutans.
Inde lovis vertetque dapes mensasque superbas, Delitiis variis cumulatas atque refusas Illo caelesti et divino nectare cunctas; Intentusque epulis, semperque intentus Hiaccho, Summa voluptatis statuet bona, commoda summa, Prava Epicurorum rursum et mala dogmata spargens. Clarus ubique et onix et ubique iacebit achates. Vestiet et fortes hebenus Mareotica postes, Atque ebore antiquo radiantia cuncta videbis. Hinc quoque gemma thoris fulgebit, et ipsa supellex laspidibus claris, et conchis tota decora, Strataque sub Tyrio rutilabunt murice tincta.
Hinc illi plures famuli, quibus ordine longo Cura penum struere et sectos Athlantide silva Ponere sublatos niveis cum dentibus orbes. Quique merum infundant gemmis epulasque per aurum, Quas pelagus, quas terra ferax, quas nutrit et aer Distinctique aetate omnes, pariterque colore: Hic teneras prima indutus lanugine malas Crispatusque comas flavas et clarus in auro, Crinibus hic Lybicis maior totusque decorus, Insigniti omnes armis decoresque draconis. Sic vitam miser instituet, totumque per orbem Praecones mittet, leges qui dicta prophanae Exponant et se verum Omnipotente creatum Lucan.
Ipse autem aurato curru per inania caeli Plutonis devectus equis, qui naribus efflant Fumiferos ignes, hinnituque omnia terrent, Perget in occiduas, modo se convertet ad oras Eoas, modo sub tardum vastumque Boetem Tectaque ad Arcturi magnamque Lycaonis Ursam, Hinc per Marmaridas vagus et Garamantas et Indos, Perque Arabes, Dacos, Marsos, pictosque Agathyrsos.
Parcite, mortales, vos excruciare labore Et duro macerare cibo victuque ferino, Quem docuit falsus Christus falsusque prophetes, Et maris et terrae dapibus date gaudia ventri, Atque gulae lautas iam iam componite mensas. Ipse ego sum verus Christus verusque redemptor, Venturum vates quem praedixere Sibyllae. Credite veridico! Dedit omnia Iuppiter ipse Omnipotens vobis. Laeti, dum Fata relinquunt, Vivite, sitque bonum summum vitae ipsa voluptas. Auratae placeant chlamydes gemmisque decorae.
Delitias adamate omnes, adamate choreas; Communisque Venus cunctis, communis Hylasque. Quaerite et in cunctis, fuerit quae sola voluptas. Haec eadem, summo quisque est habiturus Olympo. Vosque inopes rerum meme praestante tenete Divitias, aurum capite et mea munera laeti. Tunc lucro indulgens et avaris anxia curis, Plebs nimium tollet laetas ad sidera voces, Accipientque fidem diri obscoenique draconis, Linquentes miseri Christum Omnipotente creatum, Qui genus humanum crudeli morte redemit.
Tu causa malorum Cunctorum humano generi, tu tabida pestis. Per te bella placent, per te arma cruenta moventur. Per te Troia ruit, Phoebo et fabricata per aurum. Per te Roma cadit, per te Carthaginis arces. Te sitiens Crassus, dum te per bella requirit, In Parthis moriens, pleno te faucibus hausit. Poenitet et Midam tete exoptasse, diuque Cum lacrymis tolli temeraria vota precatur.
Pygmalione fero per te bonus ille Sychaeus Occubuit, coniunx castae Didonis amatus. Atlanta Hippomones cursu superavit inerti, Aurea dum manibus tardatur mala legendo. Priamides cecidit Polydorus ab hospite caesus, Cum patriis laribus tete excessisset honustus. Perdidit amissa cum virginitate pudorem Infelix Dane, gremio dum colligit aurum. Infelix ludas, Stygias demissus ad undas Verg. Solum mortis erat terns genus, atque sorores Tempora longa viris per stamina longa trahebant.
At tu immaturam mortem et indebita fata Das multis, Parcasque facis sua rumpere fila Invitas, casus mortisque inducis acerbos. Phryxaeum vellus nam correpturus lason Sollicitavit aquas primus, pelagique procellas Sensit, et aequoreas alnum demisit in undas, Edocuitque mon pelago, piscesque replere Carnibus, et dins componere membra sepulchris.
Post audax genus lapeti te coepit ubique Quaerere, nec Scyllam nec formidare Charybdim, Littora nec Circes, socios quae vertit Ulyssis, Myrtoumque fretum Borea pellente secare. Nec contentus homo terra, rait aequore toto; Aequore transmisso, superevolat aethera magnum. Callidus hinc arcam fur te custode refringit, Inventusque foro poenas cruce pendit ab alta; Te ludaeus Achar populo lapidatur ab omni, Atque dedit poenas furti scelerata cupido.
Per te nulla fides, per te fraudesque dolique Servorum in dominos, quos strangulat impia turba, Saepius et frater fratrem natusque parentem. Candida per te etiam terras Astraea reliquit, ludiciumque fori versas litesque retexis. Perfidus en tutor scrutatur damna clientis, Per fora causidici resonant clamoribus acres. Lingua tacet, loquitur Demosthenis illa diserta, Utque iubes, sic quisque facit, mendatia folles Spirant magna cavi, per fas ruiturque nefasque.
Haec erit esca prior, mellito admixta veneno, Quam dabit Antitheos populis turbaeque sequaci; Namque voluptates solum haec sectatur amoenas. Ast alios stabilis mentis fideique probatae Fallere portentis variisque avertere signis Tentabit, magicas totus conversus ad artes, lamque ad se inferni manes nigrique ministri Plutonis venient, quae iusserit ille, parati Efficere atque dolis caelum terramque movere.
Hincque alii summo flammas descendere Olympo Ostendent, alii dare fulgura clara serenum Caelum, quod gestum est Heliae tempore vatis. Sanguine commixtos deducet ab aethere nymbos, Ut factum memorant per Punica bella secunda. Mugitusque bovum immortalia verba resolvet, Atque loqui infantes faciet, mirabile dictu! In colubros vertet virgas viridesque dracones, Utque volet, fera monstra dabit, modo mitia reddet.
Hisque oculos miris populorum et corda tenebit, Ut domini quondam rerum gentesque togatae Romani, totusque orbis cacodaemone lusus, Hisque dolis captus varioque errore deorum. Hinc etiam Phoebi tripodas mensasque reponet, Marmoreumque loqui Phoebum aeratasque Sibyllas Coget, et ingratis humanos perdere mores Responsis, stabilemque fidem temerare prophana. Post quoque de caelo labi cacodaemonas alto Vulcani in speciem faciet, qui discipulorum Pectora transadeant inspirentque ora veneno.
Quid varias linguas miraris, credula turba? Thessala latratusque canum gemitusque luporum Verg. Inde Herebo invitas animas deducet ab imo, Carceris invisi compellens claustra subire. Se quoque defunctum simulans lapsumque sub umbras, Tertia cum terris Aurora reluxerit alma, Surget ovans, nitidumque trahet de marmore corpus.
Liber tertius Iam roseos pone et pullos cape, Musa, cothurnos, Et citharam moestam, plectrum quoque flebile carpe. Caedibus en sequitur carmen plenumque cruore. Sed, proh, quas poenas dabit et tormenta tyrannus Impius! Excedet crudelia facta Neronis, Qui Petrum ac Paulum crudeli morte peremit, In cruce cum periit primus, iuguloque secundus; Quique didascalicon Senecam matremque necavit.
Bistonios quid equos miraris postera turba, Artubus humanis dominus quos pavit iniquus? Mezenti nil sunt furiae, qui clausa sepulchris Mortua iungebat, miserabile, corpora vivis. Humana Phalaris taurum quid voce sonantem Formidas? Nihil est ad gesta horrenda tyranni.
Perfidus hunc genitor Pluto, super omnia doctus Tormenta et poenas Herebi, per cuncta docebit Instituetque virum poenarum per nova monstra, Exercent Minos et quas Radamanthus in Horco. Dum miseras animas poenis crudelibus urgent Atque iubent alias Borea pendere trementes Atque alias flammis torqueri atque ignibus atris, Hae glacie, tepidis aliae volvuntur aenis, Prospectant aliae labentia flumina anhelo 14 Verg.
SCHMIDT Ore, nec haec possunt fugientia lambere labris, Tantalidae quales et eodem crimine censi; Convolv unt ingens aliae de vertice saxum Atque rotant rursus per summa cacumina montis. Altera pascit aves proprio sub viscere, tanquam Qui Tytius rostro laniatur vulturis unco. Talibus instructus poenis doctusque tremendis, Quam cladem dabit in populum turbamque fidelem Barbaras hinc, animas potius quam corpora malens Perdere, et in miseram secum tractare ruinam! O miseranda dies! O collacrimabile tempus! Quis timor incumbet terris! Quis planctus ad auras! Ipsa fides necubi Christi terrore sonabit; Antitheon cuncti votis precibusque vocabunt.
Atque alius terrae vasto latitabit hyatu, Aerias alter fugiet conversus ad Alpes. Et Pater Omnipotens nisi tempora scaeva secaret Per medium et tantam rabiem tantumque furorem Tolleret, in terris spes nulla salutis adesset. Before his sudden death in Venice on 20 February , every page of this book was intended to elicit his sharp reading.
At every turn my husband, Thomas Bauman, has contributed his critical acuity as well as his remarkable skills as a writer, linguist, musician, editor, and computer whiz. I have been abashed and touched by his colossal support over all this time. And I have been blessed by the good humor, affection, and patience of Emily and Rebecca Bauman. Finally a few words about the dedication. I take leave of this project deeply aware that what I have tried to envision in the nexus of people's language, their pictures, their music, and their city had its origins in my parents' house.
The example they gave me to imagine worlds beyond our own cannot be measured in words. I dedicate this book to them with the sort of tender appreciation that the frailty of life makes only sweeter. Mid-sixteenth-century Venice was arrayed in such a way that no single mogul, family, or neighborhood was in a position to monopolize indigenous activity in arts or letters.
Venice was a city of dispersal. Laced with waterways, the city took its shape from its natural architecture. The wealthy houses of the large patriciate, scattered throughout the city's many parishes, kept power bases more or less decentralized. Apart from the magnetic force of San Marco — the seat of governmental activities and associated civic ritual — no umbrella structure comparable to that of a princely court brought its people and spaces into a single easily comprehended matrix.
As a commercial and maritime city, Venice offered multiplicity in lieu of centralization. It offered rich possibilities for dynamic interchange between the wide assortment of social and professional types that constantly thronged there — patricians, merchants, popolani, tourists, students, seamen, exiles, and diplomats.
Local patricians contributed to this decentralization by viewing the whole of the lagoon as common territory rather than developing attachments to particular neighborhoods — a quality in which they differed from nobles of many other Italian towns. Since most extended families owned properties in various parishes and sestieri the six large sections into which the city still divides , neighborhoods had only a circumscribed role as bases of power and operation; indeed, it was not uncommon for nuclear families to move from one parish to another.
The great exception was patrician women. Their lives outside the home were basically restricted to their immediate parishes, at least so long as their nuclear families stayed in a single dwelling see Romano, pp. In this, Venetian practice reflected generalized sixteenth-century attitudes that tended to keep women's social role a domestic one. We can easily imagine that Venetian salon life profited from the constant circulation of bodies throughout the city, as well as from the correlated factors of metropolitan dispersion and the city's relative freedom from hierarchy.
Palaces and other grand dwellings constituted collectively a series of loose social nets, slack enough to comprehend a varied and changeable population. This urban makeup differed from the fixed hierarchy of the court, which pointed structurally, at least to a single power center, absolute and invariable, that tried to delimit opportunities for profit and promotion. There, financial entrepreneurialism and social advancement could generally be attempted only within the strict perimeters defined by the prince and the infrastructure that supported him.
The lavish festivals, entertainments, and monuments funded by courtly establishments accordingly concentrated, by and large, on the affirmation of princely glory or, at the very least, tended to mirror more directly the monolithic interests of prince and court. With less enthusiastic patrons, like Florence's Cosimo I de' Medici beginning in and thus coinciding with the Venetian period I focus on here , centralization and authoritarian control could straitjacket creative production according to the narrowly defined wishes of the ruling elite.
In the worst of cases they could suffocate it almost completely. Structural differences between court and city that made themselves felt in cultural production were thus enmeshed with political ones. In contrast to the courts, the Venetian oligarchy thrived on a broad-based system of rule and, by extension, patronage. Within this system individual inhabitants could achieve success by exploiting the city in the most varied ways — through business, trade, or maritime interests, banking, political offices, academic and artistic activities.
Such a pliable setup depended in part on numerous legal mechanisms that, formally at least, safe-guarded equality within the patrician rank. Robert S. Iain Fenlon and James Haar, writing on Cosimo I's effect on madrigalian developments in Florence, propose that the end of republican Florence initiated the degeneration of individual patronage dominated by the family. The Medici restoration, they recall, led to an exodus of painters, sculptors, and musicians from the city The Italian Madrigal, pp.
In order to maintain the symmetries of patrician power and an effective system of checks and balances, a large number of magistracies and councils shared the decision-making process, and the vast majority of offices turned over after very brief, often six-month, terms. This made for a cumbersome, mazelike governmental structure that led many observers to comment wryly on the likeness of topography and statecraft in the city.
In the late fifteenth century a complex of attitudes guarding against the perils of self-interest found expression in a series of checks advanced by the ruling group to counter the self-magnifying schemes of several doges — schemes epitomized by the building of triumphal architecture like the Arco Foscari, which verged on representing the doge as divinely ordained.
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The patriciate ventured if hesitantly to extend these mechanisms to include some nonpatricians. Despite the inequities and stratification that divided nobles from the next rank of residents on the descending social ladder, the cittadini and even more from the still lower popolani , the Venetian aristocracy by tradition and a long-standing formula for republican success had accustomed itself to making certain efforts to appease classes excluded from governmental rule.
The success achieved by the mid-sixteenth century in checking the doges' schemes is attested by the English translator of Gasparo Contarini's De magistratibus, Lewes Lewkenor, who showed astonishment that the patriciate reacted as casually to the death of a doge as to the death of any other patrician: "There is in the Cittie of Venice no greater alteration at the death of their Duke, then at the death of any other private Gentleman" pp.
King's interpretation of the interaction of class, culture, and power in quattrocento Venice would argue that the political power of the ruling patrician elite extended far enough into what she calls "the realm of culture" — by which she means the culture of the "humanist group" — as to control them in a unique way see pp. See also Romano, Patricians and "Popolani," pp. On institutions of charity run by citizens and nobles for popolani see the classic work of Brian Pullan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State to Oxford, , and on confraternities generally in the period, Christopher F.
For a study that tries to debunk emphases on Venetian traditions of charity by stressing patrician corruption and the split between civic ideals and reality see Donald E. Queller's view seems to me equally problematic in invoking an alternate "reality" as true, rather than traversing the dialectics of various realities and representations. They could ship cargo on state galleys. And they maintained the exclusive right to hold offices in the great lay confraternities, the scuole grandi.
While many cittadini, as well as plebeians and foreigners, were doomed to frustration in their search for power and position, others experienced considerable social and economic success. At the very least many had come to view their circumstances as malleable, there to be negotiated with the right manoeuvres. The collective self-identity that promoted various attitudes of equality and magnanimity both within and without the patriciate was expressed with considerable fanfare in official postures.
Gradually, the underlying ideals had come to be projected in numerous iconic variations on the city's evolving civic mythology. By the fourteenth century, for instance, Venice added to its mythological symbolism the specter of Dea Roma as Justice, seated on a throne of lions and bearing sword and scales in her two hands Plate 4. By such a ploy the city extended its claim as the new Rome while reminding onlookers of its professed fairness, its balanced constitution, and its domestic harmony.
This conjunction of morality and might was reiterated in a series of bird's-eye maps, the most remarkable of which was Jacopo de' Barbari's famous woodcut of Plate 5. Set at the extremities of its central vertical axis are powerful representations of Mercury atop a cloud and Neptune riding a spirited dolphin Plate 6 — iconography as vital to the city's image as its serpentine slews of buildings and its urban backwaters. Venice's geography played a real part in encouraging the city's social elasticity. The circuitous structure of the lagoon made for a constant rubbing of elbows between different classes that Venetians seemed to take as a natural part of daily affairs.
When the eccentric English traveler Thomas Coryat visited the city in the. For a single poetic example in which Venice is linked with Justice, see Chap. The peculiar habits Coryat observed among the Venetian aristocracy accord with its ideological rejection of showy displays of personal spending expressly forbidden by strict sumptuary laws — displays that were de rigueur in court towns like nearby Ferrara and Mantua.
Big outlays of cash were supposed to be reserved mainly for public festivals that glorified the Venetian community as a whole. In the private sphere they could be funneled into lasting investments capable of adding to the permanent legacy of an extended family group, but not in theory made for more transitory or personal luxuries.
Many individual cases of self-glorifying osten-. But part of their price was a certain dissonance with established mores, which assigned thrift an emphatic place within the official civic scheme. Coryat himself characterized the idiosyncratic shopping habits of the patriciate — and, we might note, with considerable qualms — as "a token indeed of frugality. It was one ritualized in any number of ways — to cite a single instance, in the conspicuous insistence on modest burials that one finds repeatedly in Counter-Reformational Venetian wills.
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Both patricians and nonpatricians acknowledged the custom, as evinced by Willaert's quintessentially Venetian request for a burial "con mancho pompa si possa" with as little pomp as possible. All of these factors — decentralization, an institutionalized egalitarianism in policy if often not in practice , and the substantial presence of foreign exiles, travelers, businessmen, diplomats, and military men — contributed to Venice's prolific artistic and intellectual domestic life.
Yet the snug sociological picture of divided authority and pluralistic harmony that we might tend to draw from them tells only part of the story. Personal impulses made strange bedfellows with public ideals, and in Venice the latter took their place as only one set of faiths among many others. Venice was above all a paradoxical city. Among the deepest instances of its divided consciousness was that Venetians of the early to mid-sixteenth century who linked themselves to high culture lived in a peculiarly ambivalent counterpose to the court culture from which their city's paradigm was supposed to depart.
As a group they prized and flaunted their ideals of freedom, justice, concord, and modesty, while envying much of the apparent exclusivity, homogeneity, and even absolutism that courtly structures seemed to offer. This tension tempered the civic, rhetorical, social, and aesthetic domains that I aim to draw together here. Let me begin to explore it by turning briefly to the Venetians' manifesto of literary style, Pietro Bembo's Prose della volgar lingua.
As I show in Chapter 5, Bembo's Prose advanced a smooth, exclusive diction with the same claims to indisputable authority that tend to characterize aspects of sixteenth-century court production. It translated the harmonious heterogeneity idealized in Venice's oligarchy into the terms of literary style. The temptation to read the Prose as a conflation of courtly values with Venetian civic ones is encouraged by knowledge of Bembo's upbringing and early adulthood. Although he was inculcated with republican ideals, Bembo's youthful experiences with his father, Bernardo, had been tinged with the court.
As a boy in he spent time at the Florentine court of Lorenzo de' Medici, which was attended by the Neoplatonic philosopher. Marsilio Ficino and the poet-playwright Angelo Poliziano. This, and Bembo's subsequent sojourn at the court of Urbino, helped authorize him to appear as central spokesman on Neoplatonic love in the courtly manual par excellence, Castiglione's dialogue Il cortegiano, first drafted in ; by this time Bembo had already written Books 1 and 2 of the Prose, and he completed Book 3 while serving as papal secretary at still another court, that of Pope Leo X.
The intersection of Bembo's biography with Castiglione's text suggests yet another way to consider Venice's codification of courtly values. One of the tropes shared by Il cortegiano and the Prose is that of decorum, which dictates that style should always be modified to suit given occasions and subjects. If their shared commitment to decorum did not lead each author to the same linguistic and lexical norms, with Bembo advocating a formal Tuscan that diverged from the lingua cortegiana favored by Castiglione, it nonetheless points to deeper impulses that form a common substratum between them.
Such impulses are expressed in the persona Castiglione urges on the ideal courtier, a persona rooted in a gestalt that goes beyond the particular form of any momentary rhetorical stance. As Wayne A. Rebhorn has claimed, its essence lies in a perpetual desire to conform to whatever subject or situation is at hand. Castiglione elaborates the notion in Book 2, Chap. At bottom he. Brucker, Renaissance Florence New York, , pp. For a revisionist view that calls into question the elitism and isolationism traditionally thought to typify Ficino's Florentine circle, see Arthur Field, The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence Princeton, , esp.
Field's argument however is mainly relevant to conditions of the Florentine context itself, for it rethinks realities of the Laurentian court, rather than the modes by which outsiders typically idealized it. Girolamo Arnaldi and Manlio Pastore Stocchi, vol. Robert W. Hanning and David Rosand New Haven, , esp. All of this stoical decorum adds up to a well-tended, varied performance, as the continuation of Federico's explanation makes clear: "Therefore the courtier must know how to avail himself of the virtues, and sometimes set one in contrast or opposition with another in order to draw more attention to it" emphasis mine.
Style was varied for effect. Federico elaborates the idea in a lengthy analogy between the courtier's mixing of virtues and the painter's chiaroscuro. This is what a good painter does when by the use of shadow he distinguishes clearly the light on his reliefs, and similarly by the use of light deepens the shadows of plane surfaces and brings different colors together in such a way that each one is brought out more sharply through the contrast; and the placing of figures in opposition to each other assists the painter in his purpose.
In the same way, gentleness is most impressive in a man who is a capable and courageous warrior; and just as his boldness is magnified by his modesty, so his modesty is enhanced and more apparent on account of his boldness. Yet such contrast must be carried off "discreetly" and without obvious "affectation": that is the key to success, since those slight inflections of display will act to entrance the beholder.
Bembo insisted on these qualities for the writer perhaps even more strenuously than Castiglione did for the general courtier. Like Castiglione, Bembo depoliticized. See also numerous essays in Hanning and Rosand, eds. Ettore Bonora, 2d ed. Bull, p. Ciceronian rhetorical norms in the process, replacing the dynamic involvement with current affairs that inspired Cicero's oratorical model with cerebral ideals of refined detachment. Courtly ways were no more excised from the elastic social fabric of Venice than from its literary norms; rather they existed in varying degrees of comfort side by side with indigenous republican ones.
The model of the princely establishment even had its analogue in the internal structure of the Venetian government. The doge, although an elected official of the state, had minimal control over policy. He stood in for Venetians as a kind of princely surrogate, divested of real political power but heavily imbued with symbolic force. His principal functions were to guard civic values and to maintain an overarching awareness of public issues. Even the Venetian political historian Gasparo Contarini admitted that the doge's exterior was one of "princely honor, dignitie, and royall appearing shew.
The paradox of the doge remains a telling one. As Edward Muir has written, "in this image one can see the nexus at which many of the tensions in Venetian society. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter Reformation Berkeley and Los Angeles, , discusses the tendency in cinquecento Venice toward standardization and fixity in academic matters, relating its presence in Bembo to his lack of interest in contemporary events of historical importance pp. Thomas M. Greene, The Light in Troy: Imitation and Discovery in Renaissance Poetry New Haven, , similarly links the formal perfection sought by Bembo to a "refusal to respond to contemporary history" p.
Carlo Dionisotti, Geografia e storia della letteratura italiana Turin, , notes in "Chierici e laici" that Bembo's detachment from political consciousness and service represents a striking break from an earlier Venetian tradition of the scholar-public servant p. Finally, on the Venetian nobility's retreat from the urban realities of commerce, trade, banking, and shipbuilding in the sixteenth century in favor of more idealized existences linked to mainland farming and real estate see Brian Pullan, "The Occupations and Investments of the Venetian Nobility in the Midto Late-Sixteenth Century," in ibid.
The inherent conflict between Castiglione's monarchism and Bembo's republicanism is taken up by Woodhouse, Baldesar Castiglione, pp. Herein lay another paradox to catch Venetians in an existential bind: despite the much-restricted ideological place assigned to luxuria, the city had more than a healthy share of it in domains outside the strictly communal. This, after all, was the same city that revealed to the artistic world sensuous new realms of color and light and boasted the most beautiful women in Europe.
Like its elegant palazzi and gracious waterways, its resistance to invasion, and its invincibility at sea, sensual beauty and luxuriance formed fabled parts of Venetian lore. Many a foreigner commented on the richness and delights to be had in the city, even while remarking on its odd habits of thrift and modesty. As well as being skilled conversationalists and writers, many of these courtesans were singers, often apparently improvising and accompanying themselves on instruments such as the lute or spinet — this in an age that sheltered women closely and kept most nonpatrician women illiterate.
The honest courtesan's success in sixteenth-century Venice thus offers a paradigm for how the city, with its pliable and equivocal social structures, could become an extraordinary resource for inhabitants not born into a full measure of its benefits. Mayer London, , pp. For further on this see Margaret F. Margaret W. Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy J. Vickers Chicago, , pp. For an important collection of essays emphasizing the resources offered for the fashioning of identity by the ambiguities and social complexities of early modern city life see Susan Zimmerman and Ronald F.
Weissman, eds. Nancy K. Miller New York, , pp. A few managed to gain fame through the press, plying the arena of public discourse in order to advance their social and economic positions. The most remarkable of these women was Veronica Franco, a cittadina and daughter of a procuress who became a major poet in the s and an intimate of the literary salon of Domenico Venier.
In one noted instance she parried a detractor by boasting an array of linguistic arms. Franco's bravura served her well in the ambivalent world that cherished the honest courtesan even as it scorned her. As Margaret F. Rosenthal and Ann Rosalind Jones have shown, in speaking out in areas where women had been largely silenced, vaunting her proficiencies in the verbal arts and challenging her defamer in the terms of a male duel, Franco violated a gendered system of rhetorical orthodoxies.
Franco was only one of many nonpatricians who ameliorated their marginal social positions by utilizing the city's opportunities for self-promotion and social. Abdelkader Salza Bari, , no. Jones, "City Women and Their Audiences," p. Another, outstanding for our purposes, was Willaert's student, the organist, composer, and vernacular author Girolamo Parabosco, a Piacentine who arrived in Venice around Like her, too, he came from a bourgeois family. In the humble words he professed to Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara:.
Not his birth but his virtue makes a man worthy of honor, Parabosco claims, not rank but merit. He himself is no nobleman, not to say Tuscan — that is, linguistic aristocratic — but a mere citizen from modest Lombardy. Later in the same capitolo he alludes to his eminent position in the city as if only to thank those in Venice more highly placed than he.
Parabosco's was no mean duty. With this prestigious title, Parabosco held a trump card among literary colleagues in the city's populous salons,. The will is an ironic reminder of cinquecento disarticulations between the real and the represented: by contrast with Parabosco's satiric projections of libertinism in the Lettere amorose, Lettere famigliari, and elsewhere see Chap. Bianchini, not surprisingly, is credulous on this score; see, for example, pp.
Probably ducato is a pun "ducat" as well as "duchy". His position placed him conveniently betwixt and between — between professional musicians and literati, between nobles and commoners — a situation that made good capital in Venetian society. Elsewhere Parabosco pressed the view that real nobility came from inner worth and not from birthright.
His letter to Antonio Bargo of 18 November affected shock at Bargo's attempt to ingratiate him with an unworthy acquaintance, at his wanting him "to believe that it is a good thing to revere men who live dishonorably, so long as they come from honorable families. Parabosco answered Bargo in the spirit of familiar vernacular invective that had recently been popularized by Pietro Aretino and followers of his like Anton-francesco Doni.
In meting out satiric censure in letters, capitoli, and sonetti risposti, Parabosco engaged in complicated strategies of challenge and riposte, wielding his interlocutors' rhetoric to his own ends. Defending his comedies against certain nameless critics in a letter to Count Alessandro Lambertino, for instance, he shot off a battery of rejoinders, the last of which protested that "some benevolence" should be shown him in the city of Venice, since with all his "study, diligence, and labor. Some years earlier, writing the literary theorist Bernardino Daniello along similar. Antonio amico carissimo, io ho ricevuto la vostra de vinisette del passato, nella qual havete vanamente speso una grandissima fatica, volendomi far credere che sia ben fatto portar riverenza a gli huomini, che dishonoratamente vivono ancora che usciti di honorevole famiglia.
Bargo is almost surely the same as Antonio Barges, a Netherlandish maestro di cappella at the Casa Grande of Venice between at least and when he transferred to Treviso and a close friend of Parabosco's teacher Willaert. Richard Nice Cambridge, , pt. Heather Dubrow and Richard Strier Chicago, , pp. Letter dated 5 August Again his protestations were voiced in the language of Venetian panegyric as it was handed down in civic mythology — or a quasi-satiric inflation of it. Apart from his position on the issue of love, he insisted, he "always spoke of the aged with infinite reverence, especially in this sanctified and blessed Venice, today sole defense of Italy and true dwelling of faith, justice, and clemency, in which there are an infinite number [of old people], any one of whom with his prudence could easily govern the Empire of the whole world.
With these paradoxical rhetorical stances, writers like Franco and Parabosco could avail themselves of transgressive possibilities inherent in the diverse literary genres newly stimulated by Venetian print, yet still align themselves with the prevailing power structure. They were at once iconoclasts and panderers. In both roles they seized the chance to shape their own public images, as Franco told her adversary so unequivocally. Doni, the plebeian Florentine son of a scissors maker, represented at its most venal the phenomenon of making capital of the social breach.
After an unsatisfying start as a monk, he fled Florence for the life of a nomadic man of letters, arriving in Piacenza in and in Venice the following year. But I hearten myself with having as much patience to die as they have the stupidity to live. As if to underscore his irreverent manipulation of printed words and the contradictory strategies that the two of them crafted, Doni's letter then made out as if to return Parabosco's laudatory sonnet with a matching risposta.
Like Parabosco's, Doni's skill at social climbing played a role in Venetian madrigalian developments, if one more mercenary than musical. He possessed a rudi-. Girolamo Parabosco [Venice, ], fol. The letter, undated, comes from the First Book, which was first printed in as Lettere amorose. Venier's stanza set by Donato, Chap. Doni's eclecticism depended on the city's flexible structures. It leaned away from the elitist, totalizing aesthetic of Bembo toward the grittier, more syncretistic one that the city paradoxically made possible. This is evident in his most famous joining of musical and literary worlds, the Dialogo della musica, published in by Girolamo Scotto shortly after Doni's arrival in Venice, in which he playfully recreated the casual evenings of an academic assembly.
As noted by Alfred Einstein and James Haar, the first of the Dialogo' s two parts is unmistakably set in provincial Piacenza, where a circle that formed around the poet Lodovico Domenichi took on the title Accademia Ortolana. Only Arcadelt and da Milano had no strong known connection with Venice. Doni was always fascinated by this sort of academic life. He gives an account of current academies in the last pages of his Seconda libraria Venice, In between they freely interpolate sight-readings of music — mainly madrigals.
At the outset the interlocutors decide on the style of their encounters with characteristic self-consciousness. Once Doni enters the expanded world of Venice in Part 2, new personalities double his resources. Now eight interlocutors are present: Bargo and Michele from Part 1, a woman called Selvaggia, the composers Parabosco and Perissone, Domenichi and Ottavio Landi from Piacenza, and the composer Claudio Veggio, who seems to have been connected with both cities.
Pieces handed out from Michele's pouch [ carnaiolo ] now accommodate up to all eight of those present. Once again the speakers begin with reflections on their relations to one another and remarks on their use of conventions, all the while laughing at their own bows and curtsies. Tanto ch'io son nel numero delle donne onorate e che per mio amore si fa questa musica, io vi ringrazio e v'ho tropp'obbligo e con Parabosco e con tutti. Dico appunto baie, come tu hai cominciato di servidore e di certe cose, che fra noi non s'usano alla reale da' musici, da' pittori, scultori, da' soldati e da' poeti.
Dialogo della musica, p. At this they move on. Doni continues to aim for the informal realism of a private academy, moving the speakers in and out of their commitment to the discourse and sustaining their self-conscious scrutinies. After the initial gallantries Parabosco announces that their company has been ordered to speak about a beautiful woman by Grullone and Oste.
Since neither Grullone nor Oste is there, they sing instead a madrigal about a donna bella set by the obscure Noleth. This prompts a trifling speech by Domenichi on what makes a woman beautiful, in the course of which Doni quotes his own epistolary eulogy of the Piacentine beauty Isabetta Guasca — probably the real-life name of the Dialogo 's Selvaggia. In this way Doni presents the salon not only as a dynamic space for arbitrating different styles and tempers but as a vehicle for self-display and self-fashioning. The salon thus functioned like the occasional and intertextual verse of Franco and Parabosco.
Salons encouraged the sort of juggling for position and exposure common to places of barter. The nobility who formed the salons' main patrons were more receptive to ambitious commoners than they had been before. And by the mid-sixteenth century the means for winning intellectual and artistic recognition within the bustling city had become more diversified and more ample than ever. Not surprisingly, ambitions proved only more fierce as a result. The ascendency of the private salon following on the heels of Venetian print culture brought quick changes of players, fast renown, rapid dissemination of ideas and artifacts, and above all pressures to excel and adapt quickly to new fashions.
The idea of the marketplace, then, is not just metaphorical, for marketplace economies held a material relevance in the city's salons. The salon was not only the concrete locus of patronage, with all that winning patronage entailed; even more crucially, the busy commercial aspect of the city — with its large mercantile patriciate, its steady influx of well-heeled and cultivated visitors, and its thriving presses — increasingly animated. On Guasca see Haar, "Notes on the Dialogo della musica, " p. Another Piacentine and favorite poet of early madrigalists, Luigi Cassola, addressed her in his Madrigali Venice, , verso of penultimate folio.
For the extensive popular literature containing similar encomia of women see Chap. New Haven, , pp. The heterogeneity and lack of fixity that typified these salons were interwoven threads in a single social fabric. The very immunity of private groups to concrete description, so confounding to the modern historian, lies at the core of their identity. One of their defining characteristics, this loose organization and openness to change was essential to forming competitive groups. Private gatherings in salons, though often described in contemporary literature as accademie a term I use here , were in fact only distant predecessors of more formalized academies that proliferated later in the century.
Instead, they protected their cultural cachet in the safe seclusion of domestic spaces, where discussion, debate, and performance were private. Rather than demanding fixity from either their activities or adherents, they thrived on the easy accommodation and continual intermingling of new ideas and faces. This is true both of academies that concentrated on literary enterprises in the vernacular — poetry, letters, plays, editions, and treatises on popular theories of love and language  — and of those musical academies linked to the circle of Willaert.
The gatherings of Venetian noblemen like Marcantonio Trivisano and Antonio Zantani or of transplanted Florentines like Neri Capponi and Ruberto Strozzi are all known only from scattered accounts and allusions. By reducing them all for convenience to the single epithet academy, I mean to stress their historical relationship to the later groups, but not to confuse their structures with the formalized ones of those later academies.
The generic names applied to academic salons during this time were as changeable as their makeups — accademia, ridotto, adunanza, or cenacolo. Still informative if partly outdated , particularly because they incorporate less-fixed academic groups, are the older studies of Michele Battagia, Delle accademie veneziane: dissertazione storica Venice, , and Michele Maylender, Storia delle accademie d'Italia, 5 vols.
Bologna, See also Achille Olivieri, "L'intellettuale e le accademie fra ' e ' Verona e Venezia," Archivio veneto, 5th ser. Outside this pattern are a very few public-minded and philologically oriented academies that grew up earlier in the century; in the early cinquecento this includes the Neacademia of Aldus Manutius, devoted to Greek scholarship, and at midcentury the Accademia Veneziana, also known as the Accademia della Fama, devoted to an encyclopedic agenda of learning and publication.
In the remainder of Part 1, I try to depict the textures of vernacular patronage in Venice by focusing on the private worlds of figures such as these. Chapter 2 begins with the pair of Florentine exiles Capponi and Strozzi, apparently the main private benefactors of Willaert and Rore, respectively, from about the late s until the mids. As rich aristocrats and singers of domestic music, they represent a kind of private patronage that shunned the popularizing commodifications made by the likes of Parabosco.
They stand in sharp opposition to another foreign patron, Gottardo Occagna, who sponsored prints of vernacular music and letters in Venice from about to Fictitious printed letters to Occagna from Parabosco that feigned public displays of private diversions suggest he colluded with vernacular artists in mounting the Venetian social ladder. Central to my assessments of both Occagna and the other protagonist of Chapter 3, the patrician Zantani, are the ways in which social images were fashioned through the rhetoric of Petrarchan love lyrics.
The juxtaposition of Occagna's and Zantani's cases shows that while those outside the Venetian patriarchy might invert this rhetoric to mobilize their positions, the local aristocracy sought out ennobling texts and images to reinforce their status claims. Zantani probably promoted some of the many encomia of his wife that were made in the rhetoric of Petrarchan praise, and he engineered several printed volumes that could bring him renown, not least an anthology with four of the madrigals from Willaert's then still unpublished Musica nova corpus. All of these figures are maddeningly elusive to our backward gaze.
It is only in Chapter 4, with the salon of another native patrician, Domenico Venier — a friend of vernacular music whose palace was the literary hub of midcentury Venice — that we come to see the full richness of exchange, the gala of personalities, the competitive forces they set in motion, and the fruitful intersection of art and ideas that the flexible social formation of Venice allowed. Throughout much of the s and beyond Venice sheltered a colony of exiled Florentines, the fuorusciti.
As a group, the fuorusciti were highly aristocratic and educated, well versed in music and letters, and eminently equipped to indulge expensive cultural habits. Before long he had established what became the most sophisticated musical academy in Venice, headed by Willaert and graced by the acclaimed soprano Polissena Pecorina. Like other private patrons, Capponi seems to have gathered his academists under his own roof, where they flourished in the early s and almost surely premiered much of Willaert's Musica nova.
Another Florentine, Ruberto Strozzi, lodged intermittently in the city during the thirties and forties in the course of far-ranging business and political errands that accelerated after his family was banished from Florence in The portion of the Frari's archive at I-Vas designated "Scuola dei fiorentini" lacks items for the years to For an informative essay emphasizing the literary aspect of Florentine exiles in Venice see Valerio Vianello, "Tra Firenze e Venezia: il fenomeno del fuoruscitismo," in Il letterato, l'accademia, il libro: contributi sulla cultura veneta del cinquecento, Biblioteca Veneta, no.
See further on Capponi's genealogy in n. Agee was cautious about concluding definitively that the Neri Capponi of musical fame is the same as the one appearing in many Strozzi letters, but cross-references in the letters combined with Passerini's genealogy cited in n. Canciano along the lovely Rio dei Santissimi Apostoli Plate 7. In the early to mid-forties, as he tore about Italy and France, Ruberto is known to have bought up madrigals and motets by Cipriano de Rore.
The coincidence of the Florentine presence in Venice with the flourishing of Venetian madrigals was fateful. Florentines made their way into Venice following a long history of political strife in their own city, whose republican edifice by then had collapsed.
During the years spent in Florence, these exiles had sustained a long tradition vigorously promoting Italian vocal music. It was only natural that they should have continued it once abroad. The patronage of both Capponi and Strozzi was aggressively acquisitive, seeking sole ownership of important new settings. But their interest was not mere collection. Each was groomed in gentlemen's musical skills and moved in patrician circles that practiced part singing. In both political and artistic realms the vicissitudes and imaginative powers of Ruberto's father had played a dominant role — a role that is critical for our understanding of the next generation's construction of this heritage and its relationship to Venetian music.
Ruberto was the son of Filippo di Filippo Strozzi, the most prominent Florentine banker of the first third of the century and, by many reckonings, for most of his life the richest man in Italy. Niccolini, Filippo Strozzi, tragedia Florence, , p. Sagredo believed that the Strozzi house was "quella ora del Weber dove altre volte era la famosa Biblioteca Svajer" p.
This house stands at the Ponte di San Canciano by the so-called Traghetto di Murano and is now numbered in the sestiere of Cannaregio. See further in Giuseppe Tassini, Alcuni palazzi ed antichi edifichi di Venezia storicamente illustrati con annotazioni Venice, , pp. Lino Moretti Venice, , p. For an English text see the trans. Gargani Florence, , who claimed that "nella ricchezza fu solo, e senza comparazione di qualsivoglia uomo d'Italia" p. Ruberto and Neri were thus first cousins, and Filippo Strozzi, Neri's uncle.
By the mid-thirties, however, owing to Strozzi clashes with the new duke, Alessandro de' Medici, Filippo's family and its immediate associates had been cast into a restless and embittered exile. In the course of this, Filippo's banking interests were managed from abroad, mostly by employees from the ranks of the fuorusciti. Venice was just one of several cities that received substantial Strozzi business, along with Rome, Naples, Lyons, and Seville.
To clarify the precarious social and political situation in which Filippo, his family, and their Florentine allies found themselves in the s, it is necessary to look briefly back over the long-standing Strozzi relationship with the Medici. In , during Florence's next-to-last republic, the headstrong Filippo became engaged to Clarice de' Medici.
At that time her family was banished from the city. The engagement was a brash move on Filippo's part that drew horror and fury from his half-brother Alfonso and members of the extended Strozzi clan, who held at the time at least tentative favor with the Ottimati government. With the Medici restoration of Filippo found himself ideally placed to exploit the financial interests and favor of Clarice's uncle Giovanni, who assumed the papacy as Leo X the following year.
In the decades up to Filippo bankrolled two Medici popes in his role as papal financier, culminating in with his dowering of a Medici bride for the future king of France, Henry of Orleans, at the staggering sum of , scudi. Note, however, Agee's cautions concerning some apparent genealogical confusion in her discussion of these marriages, "Ruberto Strozzi," p. Pompeo Litta Milan, , which is variously ordered and bound in the different copies that survive. The copy in I-Vas includes 14 vols. Luigi Passerini , in vol. Neri's grandfather is described there as a very rich banker who opened a banking house at Lyons.
Our Neri, born 6 March , appears as the oldest of ten children. On a single occasion in , at the institution of the College of the Knights of St. Peter, Giulio de' Medici, then Pope Clement VII, awarded him eleven titles of the office of knight in return for credits totaling 9, ducats; he divided them among four of his sons, giving three to Ruberto.
Until Clement VII's death in September Filippo's political position experienced only one real setback when he abandoned Rome for Florence shortly before the sack in to take the helm of popular republican leadership. Having failed in that role, he was temporarily forced to pursue interests abroad. But by he had reforged Medici bonds in Florence and Rome and resumed principal residence in the latter city. It was only after several years of renewed papal collaboration that Filippo's seemingly unbreakable financial edifice began to crack with the death of the pope — Filippo's primary debtor and Medici supporter.
Filippo still boasted a sprawling empire and had much to protect in the continued prestige of the Strozzi family. But any goodwill toward them that remained among Medici at home was dwindling fast. Filippo's wealth and leverage among princes posed an immediate threat to the collateral line of the Medici headed by the dissolute Duke Alessandro, now in firm — and monarchical — command of the patria with imperial support. Alessandro grew increasingly suspicious of Filippo and his sons. At last, in December , shortly after Clement's death and after various skirmishes that took the family again out of Florence, Alessandro declared them rebels.
Filippo's story merges at this juncture with that of members of the younger generation who are my main concern here. In August , after a two-year stay in his palazzo at Rome, Filippo finally retired to Venice. Goaded on by Piero, he also began to organize troops for an assault against the Medici, only to be captured in his first major attempt in the Tuscan hills of Montemurlo on 31 July.
The Florentine historian Jacopo Nardi recounted that Filippo's sons retreated the next day toward Venice, tired and defeated and with no alternative but to take stock of their situation and await a better opportunity to strike. Pietro Stromboli Florence, , pp. III , fol. V , fol. See Table 1 below. Florence, , Book 15, Chap. Varchi's account largely agrees with those of Strozzi, Vite, pp. Both of the last two include the story that Filippo, once he made up his mind to believe Lorenzo, proclaimed him the Florentine Brutus — just one detail whose repetition suggests a strong narrative filiation among the various versions.
I have synthesized events highlighted in Florentine letters and histories in order to emphasize the intrigues and narrowly factional politics that brought elite Florentine patrons into Venice. Far from epitomizing the republicanism idealized in Venice and attached to Filippo in various romanticized representations that appeared after the events of , he and his kin differed little in kind from the Medici themselves.
In a very real sense, an entrepreneurial merchant-banker on the rare order of Filippo Strozzi — not unlike Jacob Fugger, imperial banker to Charles V — was at once invention and inventor of the princely sponsors who required him to stage their grand schemes. His identity depended on an exchange of mutually productive powers. Born into such a dynasty in the world of early modern power politics, a young man like Ruberto cannot have thought himself much less a prince's son than if his father had been a duke or an emperor, a difference he might have attributed to the winds of fate or to a slight disparity in style or ambitions.
For the Strozzi, empire and culture formed an indivisible alliance. As Pier Paolo Vergerio had put it, not only was "the ability to speak and write with elegance" — and, we might add, to sing — "no slight advantage. Filippo's passions for high finance and Florentine politics extended almost by necessity to arts and literature, in which he developed considerable abilities. His brother Lorenzo wrote that on all those days that Filippo was free to plan as he liked, his time was divided equally between "the study of letters, private business, and private pleasures and delights.
See also Gelli's commentary in Nardi, Istorie n. Filippo was the dedicatee of Pisano's edition of Apuleis, on which see Frank A. D'Accone hesitated to link too securely the identity of this Pisano with that of the musician, but his doubts are certainly cleared up by Varchi's reference to Pisano as an "eccellente musico in que' tempi, che grande e giudizioso letterato" as noted by Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," p. The madrigal was included in the first layer of B-Bc, MS Only a few settings of Filippo's poetry are known today, but given the exclusive patterns of patronage that obtained with Florentine patrons it seems likely that others ones for which he commissioned settings, for example simply are not extant.
The findings of Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," suggest that literary patrons wrote many more verses for commissioned settings than now survive; see also Thomas W. Apropos, it might be of interest that while in Lyons Capponi wrote Filippo, then in Venice, to send thanks for a capitolo Filippo had composed for him — for singing to music?
III , fols. The pains Filippo took to reinforce his cultural hegemony naturally included his immediate family. He attended to the humanistic education of his sons by hiring noted tutors and later sending his sons to the Studio in Padua. Girolamo Parabosco's description of Ruberto as having "rare judgment in all sciences" may therefore reveal more than the usual hyperbole,  for Ruberto's education not only included the Paduan stint but tutoring in Greek letters and law with Varchi.
Ruberto and his brothers sang part music like their father and uncle, as shown by a letter of 19 November first noted by Agee that Ruberto's Lyons-based relative Lionardo Strozzi wrote him in Rome. Similmente fece per carnevale in maschera per le case le canzoni.
Tillman Merritt by Sundry Hands, ed. Laurence Berman Cambridge, Mass. Jan LaRue et al. New York, ; repr. New York, , pp. Gaetano Milanesi, 3 vols. Florence, , Among the most striking aspects of Florentine epistolary exchange are the elitist postures adopted time and again in patrimonial ploys and in the Florentines' observations of outsiders. Florentines pursue what is rare and new, unknown, and decidedly private. In the first and best known of their letters, from Ruberto, in Venice, to Varchi of 27 March , Ruberto described his attempt to have an epigram of Varchi's set by Willaert and asked Varchi in return to compose a madrigal in honor of "Madonna Pulissena" undoubtedly Pecorina.
Ruberto's assumption that he would wield influence with the chapelmaster is remarkable in itself. But even more so is the clandestine, cocky way he went about the whole venture. Linking sexual and cultural conquest in a single identity that placed stealth at the strategic node of a sacred bond, Ruberto expressed his hopes through the conjuncture of culture and combat: "I don't want to tell you not to speak to a soul on earth about this [madrigal], because I would do you an injury, as if I lacked faith in you; yet I have more faith in you than the Hungarians have in their swords.
Lionardo's letter of 19 November evinces the same Florentine attitude toward sharing music. Ruberto's request was specifically meant to procure new and unknown music from the Lyonnaise contingent. Lionardo hopes that a canzone that arrived from Florence some eight days earlier will serve; if it's already known in Rome, he'll get some other new pieces for them — not hard for him to do since, as he boasts, a friend in Florence always sends along Arcadelt's latest things.
The entire letter turns on this issue of having the latest pieces on hand — and only for restrictive, private use. Strozzi's outrageousness doesn't stop there; witness the salutation that he juxtaposes immediately afterward: "Fate, lo abbia quanto prima meglio; e senza altro dirvi, raccomandomi a voi per infinita saecula saeculorum Amen. See Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," pp. This was the same tight vise that gripped the new Venetian-styled madrigals of Willaert and Rore. In Ruberto's employee Pallazzo da Fano angled to have Strozzi send him a new madrigal of Rore's written for Capponi, should he be able to get hold of it.
And truly not a man will have your madrigal that you sent me, for I know the one to whom I sent it to be of messer Nerio's kind" emphasis mine. Capponi's tightfistedness was the very quality that so astonished the low-born Antonfrancesco Doni. When his exiled compatriot Francesco Corboli took him to Capponi's salon, Doni was already beginning to fashion a career out of the new livelihood to be earned from the Venetian printing industry and was squirreling away musical works for his forthcoming Dialogo della musica.
He claimed to be agog on his first encounter with Venetian music making there — not only at the dazzling musical scene but at the total inaccessibility of the music. One evening I heard a concert of violoni and voices in which she played and sang together with other excellent spirits. The perfect master of that music was Adrian Willaert, whose studious style, never before practiced by musicians, is so tightly knit, so sweet, so right, so miraculously suited to the words that I confess to never having known what harmony was in all my days, save that evening.
The devotee of this music and lover of such divine composition is a gentleman, a most excellent spirit, Florentine as well, called Messer Neri Caponi, to whom I was introduced by Messer Francesco Corboli [another Florentine] and thanks to whom I listened, saw, and heard such divine things.
This Messer Neri spends hundreds of ducats every year on such talent, and keeps it to himself; not even if it were his own father would he let go one song. My investigations of Strozzi's whereabouts as summarized in Table 1 below indicate that the date must be On this issue see Jane A. Neri Caponi: al quale per mezzo di M. Questo M. Francesco Malipiero and Virginio Fagotto, Collana di musiche veneziane inedite e rare, no. Many have assumed, with good reason, that the music Doni heard at Capponi's house included works printed only fifteen years later in the Musica nova.
Francesco dalla Viola's dedication of the printed volume maintained that the pieces in the Musica nova had been "hidden and buried" so that no one could use them and that consequently "the world came to be deprived" of its contents. This repertorial link gives a very good idea about one aspect of the musical fare at ca' Capponi — or, more precisely, about its compositional substance.
Doni offers his Piacentine dedicatee little in the way of concrete information about the. Walter Gerstenberg and Hermann Zenck, vol. The documents surrounding this exchange are now reprinted together with numerous new ones in Richard J.
Related Tutto storia dellarte. Vol. 1: Dalle civiltà antiche al Classicismo (Tutto pocket) (Italian Edition)
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